23 February 2012 -- Somalia has been without effective central authority for more than 20 years. Often seen simply as a home to pirates, starving people and insurgents linked to al-Qaida, the country does not hold a lot of world records.
According to reputable commentators and institutions, Somalia has the world's "dodgiest passports", "worst humanitarian crisis", "most corrupt government" and "most dangerous capital city". It has come top of the Failed States Index for the past four years.
So why should four and a half hours of talks at Lancaster House on Thursday make a difference? Is it not just an expensive waste of time – especially when all previous efforts have failed, including nearly 20 international conferences and half a dozen military interventions – to bring together nearly 60 world leaders and just eight Somalis?
There is, understandably, a lot of scepticism about the meeting. There is even hostility from some Somalis, who see it either as a neo-colonial enterprise or an irrelevant talking shop. But there are also reasons for hope.
Having been to several pre-conference gatherings and spoken to senior British officials, I've been struck by their lack of arrogance. There seems to be a genuine interest in listening to, and learning from, a wide group of Somalis, and a willingness to admit the blunders of the past.
Another reason for optimism is that, unlike previous efforts, the London meeting is not a peace conference. It is not about micro-managing Somalia's internal political problems. That task – as British foreign secretary William Hague made clear when he said: "We can help get Somalia on its feet, we cannot do the running for it" – is the responsibility of the Somalis.
It would be a real achievement if this conference resulted in Somalia's problems being handed back to the Somalis themselves, because they have proved they do things best when they are left alone.
They did it in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, which – since breaking away from the rest of Somalia in 1991 – has built itself up from the rubble of war into the most democratic place in the Horn of Africa, developing a unique political system that combines modern democracy with traditional respect for elders.
In 2006, even battle-scarred Mogadishu briefly achieved a degree of stability. For six months, before they were driven out by a US-backed Ethiopian invasion that was accused of having links to al-Qaida, a coalition of sharia courts controlled the city and other parts of southern and central Somalia.
Like Somaliland, the courts were successful in restoring order because they evolved from the bottom up. They gained support because – as with Hamas in the Palestinian territories and, to a lesser extent, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt – they provided essential services to a neglected population.
As one woman in Mogadishu said: "They made safety and peace for the citizens a priority. They made sure every robber gave up his gun. Everything was calm and quiet. It was like Allah answered all our prayers."
Perhaps the most striking sign of hope in Somalia is the economy. Certain sectors are booming, not least livestock, money transfer and telecommunications. Somalia may be the world's number one "failed state", but it also exports more live animals than any other country on Earth, trade that is worth billions of dollars a year.
Somalia is not blessed with abundant natural resources, although there is talk of oil and natural gas. But what it lacks in natural gifts, it more than makes up for in human resources.
Moreover, there is a deep aptitude for business. This is partly due to the centuries-old clan networks that enable Somalis to raise money rapidly and move it around, relying purely on trust. But it is also because there is a widespread can-do attitude. Perhaps because they have had to live on the edge for so long, Somalis tend to seize the moment, and are not afraid to take risks.
One Somali friend told me of a fellow countryman who arrived in Britain with nothing, hoping to seek asylum. On his way from the airport, he stopped at a KFC, a fast-food chain, where he found the fare extremely tasty. He immediately entered into a discussion with the manager – not to ask for the recipe, or a job, but to ask how much it would cost to buy the restaurant!
It's a shame the only Somalis invited to the conference are politicians, some of whom have overseen the chaos and bloodshed in the country. It is difficult to have faith in a government that, according to a recent audit, allowed 96% of all direct bilateral assistance for 2009 to disappear, much of it presumably into its own pockets.
The London conference is likely to end with a well-meaning communique and a pledge of further aid. But as one Somali businessman told me: "We don't want money, we want infrastructure, as that is what is holding us back. Bring in the Chinese, anyone, to build us roads, bridges, ports, airports, schools and hospitals. Then we can function."
Of course, business is not the answer to all of Somalia's problems. But the country's entrepreneurs have achieved positive things, and know how to operate across enemy territory. Perhaps the conference should focus on making Somalia a better place for them, because they have proved they can make things work, and make life better for people. The stronger and more developed Somalia's economy, the more people have to lose – and they less likely they are to fight and destroy.
By Mary Harper, Africa Editor at the BBC World Service, for the Guardian.
23 February 2012 -- Expanding the yield of smallscale agriculture is vital – not only to feed those in need, but to ensure global stability and preserve the environment.
These were among the key messages that emerged during the 35th session of the Governing Council of the International Fund for Agriculture Development (IFAD) that ended in Rome today.
Opening the conference on Wednesday, the president of IFAD, Kanayo F. Nwanze, committed to lift up to 90 million people out of poverty through support for smallscale agriculture.
"When these farmers are recognized as small entrepreneurs, when they have access to better resources and incentives, and when they have access to markets and an enabling environment, they can transform their communities, their own lives, and indeed the world," Nwanze told delegates.
The United Nations Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) estimates that 525 million farms exist worldwide, nearly 77 percent of which are small-scale (less than 2 hectares) and occupy about 60 percent of the world's arable land.
'Food Shortages More Serious Than Financial Crisis' Says Italy's Riccardi
In his address to representatives of IFAD's 167 member states, Italian Prime Minister, Mario Monti, underscored the relationships between food security, global security and the future of the planet. "A hungry world is an unjust world. It is also an unstable world."
Monti noted that "we are putting unsustainable pressure on the world's natural resources," and called for a "comprehensive approach" to address economic development and food security, which he said included economic and humanitarian aspects. "We need to find innovative and bold solutions to the conflicting needs of demographic change, job creation and environmental sustainability," he said.
Rwandan president Paul Kagame noted that "a significant increase" from smallholder farms over the past five years in Rwanda had made a "noticeable impact on the lives of our citizens".
Kagame said agricultural gross domestic product (GDP) has grown at an average of eight percent, ensuring food security and higher incomes for his country's farmers. "For example between 2007 and 2010, production of maize tripled and that of both wheat and cassava more than doubled," he said.
But despite the progress, Kagame warned that much remained to be done. He called for increased investment in "research and new technologies to raise production and productivity and for value addition, especially to staple food crops."
In his address to the agricultural council, Bill Gates, co-chair of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, criticized the world's agriculture and food system as "outdated and inefficient".
"Countries, food agencies, and donors aren't working together in a focused and coordinated way to provide the help small farmers need, when they need it." However, Gates was optimistic about the current leadership of key global food agencies.
"We also have the world's attention, with agenda-setters like the African Union and the G20 focused on agriculture. And so – today – we have the opportunity and the obligation to imagine a different future."
Citing research by his foundation, Gates said it was possible for small farmers in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa "to double or almost triple their yields, respectively, in the next 20 years--while preserving the land for future generations. This is an ambitious goal".
To meet this goal, Gates said that farmers in both regions would have to increase productivity "three to five times faster than they have been doing over the past 20 years". This could translate into "400 million people lifting themselves out of poverty," he added.
"If you care about the poorest, you care about agriculture," said the Microsoft founder, who announced almost $200 million in grants to fund agricultural development "that works". The grants include multi-national projects that address systemic, structural challenges in food production and storage, such as poor quality seeds, plant diseases and post-harvest losses.
Gates added that several of these grants extended projects that were "already getting great results for farmers. For example, we are re-investing in projects that: supported the release of 34 new varieties of drought tolerant maize; delivered vaccines to tens of millions of livestock; and have trained more than 10,000 agro-dealers to equip and train farmers."
"Investments in agriculture are the best weapons against hunger and poverty, and they have made life better for billions of people. The international agriculture community needs to be more innovative, coordinated, and focused to help poor farmers grow more. If we can do that, we can dramatically reduce suffering and build self-sufficiency."
With a world population projected to be more than nine billion in 2050, increased productivity is crucial. "If we want to transform the lives of people in Africa, we need to focus our efforts on raising agricultural productivity, creating markets and making agriculture a business, not a development activity," said Akin Adesina, Nigerian Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development.
IFAD head Nwanze called for "perseverance, patience and determination" to reduce rural poverty and create climate-smart ways for smallholders to build their resilience."
Nwanze highlighted the importance of women, who shoulder a heavy workload in rural areas. IFAD has long argued that there will be no substantial progress in poverty reduction unless there is greater investment in women, who are not only half the population but also grow most of Africa's food.
Monti reinforced that message, saying that "giving women equal access to agricultural resources is one of the most powerful ways of reducing poverty and hunger". The Italian prime minister departed from his written remarks to say that the lack of empowerment of rural women is not only "a huge loss for them and their families but for their countries as a whole." If women had the same access to land, credit and other assets as men, he said, "they would increase yields on their farms 20-30 per cent" – a lesson he said his own and other developed countries should also learn.
And with more than half of the rural population in developing countries between the ages of 15 and 25, Nwanze challenged leaders of the developing world, to work in partnership with IFAD to "harness youth's tremendous energy and provide opportunities for them, particularly in rural areas."
"We will need the young people of today to be the farmers of tomorrow," Nwanze said.
22 February 2012 -- Tonga will open its first community radio station in a bid to highlights issues affecting women.
The radio station 98FM has begun transmitting but will officially open on March 7 in the lead-up to International Women's Day.
Tongan FemLINK Pacific correspondent Bale Huni was among 25 participants who took part in the Annual Young Women's Media and Advocacy Skills Consultation and Training.
She said there was a lot of support from the civil society and NGOs on the launching of 98FM.
“This is the first time I'm attending this training and what I have learnt so far will greatly boost my work back in Tonga,” Huni said.
“I've learnt the importance of working with other women and also empowering them and how we work together to build a young women's network.”
The radio station broadcasts programs for two hours a day and two days in a week.
“After our official launch next month we're going to broaden our programs because we'll be broadcasting from Monday to Friday,” she said.
While there is a lot of responsibility that comes with being a member of Generation Next, Huni said this had become a challenge to her role.
“One of the major responsibilities is to empower other women especially those in rural areas and to give them the courage to come out and share their experiences. We're just building up and we're going out to communities to ask women to tune into our radio station because we're broadcasting programs that empower them,” she said.
23 Feburary 2012 -- Timor-Leste has made significant progress in strengthening national peace and stability, the United Nations envoy for the country told the Security Council today, noting that preparations for presidential elections next month and legislative polls later in the year are going smoothly.
Ameerah Haq, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and head of the UN Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT), told the Council in a briefing that 13 candidates, including two women, have been approved to run in the presidential election scheduled for 17 March.
The peacekeeping mission is due to wind up at the end of this year and Haq urged the Council to extend its current mandate, which is due to end next week, until 31 December. The Secretary-General will, after consulting with the Government formed after the elections, submit a report to the Council on his suggestions on UNMIT’s anticipated withdrawal and the scope of the UN’s future presence in Timor-Leste, she said.
“2012 is a critical year for Timor-Leste, marked by several key anniversaries, including the tenth anniversary of the restoration of independence,” said Haq.
“I am counting on this year giving us the opportunity to celebrate peaceful elections, an orderly transition to a new Government, continued stability and security and further development of PNTL [national police] technical capacities,” she said.
She said electoral management institutions are striving to ensure transparent and fair polls, stressing that their capacities have increased since 2007, resulting in decreasing levels of UN support.
“Still, the United Nations continues to provide integrated technical assistance through the joint UNDP [UN Development Programme] and UNMIT electoral support team,” said Haq.
She said presidential candidates and political party leaders have issued constructive messages about the need for peaceful elections, saying the messages are crucial to maintain public confidence in the elections and to ensure political stability.
The PNTL, with the support of UNMIT police, is getting ready to provide security during the electoral period, Ms. Haq told the Council. Both police services and other security forces have held theoretical and practical exercises to improve their readiness to maintain security during the elections, she said.
Timor-Leste’s President José Ramos-Horta, who also addressed the Council, said the political situation in his country has been “remarkably free of tension” in recent years.
“Ours is an open society. Transparency of our public life is a process that we set upon ourselves to promote and to deepen with the assistance of the international community,” he said.
On the UN presence in Timor-Leste after UNMIT’s departure, Ramos-Horta said that the emerging consensus is that the Organization’s role could include support to further strengthen democratic institutions, capacity-building on security, particularly the national police, as well as continued assistance in areas such as governance, justice and human rights.
23 February 2012 -- Half a million Afghans displaced by fighting are struggling to survive in makeshift shelters let down by their government and international donors that look the other way, Amnesty International said in a new report released today.
At least 28 children have died in the harsh winter conditions in the camps around Kabul. The Afghan government estimates more than 40 people have frozen to death in camps across the country.
Fleeing war, finding misery: The plight of the internally displaced in Afghanistan, highlights how an escalation in fighting has left half a million Afghans internally displaced with around 400 more joining their ranks every single day.
Kabul alone houses up to 35,000 displaced persons in 30 slum areas around the city.
“Thousands of people are finding themselves living in freezing, cramped conditions and on the brink of starvation, while the Afghan government is not only looking the other way but even preventing help from reaching them,” said Horia Mosadiq, Amnesty International’s Afghanistan researcher.
Throughout Afghanistan, UN agencies and humanitarian organisations cannot deliver effective aid to the displaced communities, as they are prohibited from assisting in ways that implies the permanence of settlements. So, instead of digging permanent water wells, they are forced to deliver water to displaced communities in tankers.
“Local officials restrict aid efforts because they want to pretend that these people are going to go away. This is a largely hidden but horrific humanitarian and human rights crisis,” said Horia Mosadiq.
“We don’t know where all the international aid is going…we don't know why the government isn't able to provide us with basic shelter,” said Yahya, a man living in Kabul’s Chaman-e-Babrak slum area who spoke to Amnesty International.
Most slum residents told Amnesty International that they had fled their homes to escape conflict. Fighting has spread to parts of the country previously considered peaceful. Civilian deaths have increased every year since 2007 and in 2011, more than 3,000 Afghan civilians died as a result of the conflict, according to the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA).
The vast majority of civilian casualties are caused by the Taleban and other insurgent groups, but many displaced Afghans told Amnesty International that they had fled in fear of aerial bombardment by the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and to avoid being used as human shields by the Taleban.
Amnesty International has called on the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate war crimes by the Taleban and all other parties to the conflict in Afghanistan.
“The Americans and the government told us to leave the area before they wanted to attack Marjah. The Taleban.. did not allow civilians to leave the area. They also told people that the foreign forces will come and rape our women and girls,” said Zarin, a 70-year-old woman who came to Kabul in February 2010 from Marjah, in Helmand province.
Entire communities are now fleeing their homes in search of greater security.
“Afghans have real grounds to feel less secure now than at any point in the last ten years,” said Horia Mosadiq. “International and Afghan forces should address the impact of conflict on civilians, including displacement. The Taleban must also look to protect civilians, by ensuring humanitarian access to the areas they control.”
Those Afghans who have fled to the relative safety of cities face problems of a different kind. Housing in Afghanistan’s cities is scarce and rents comparatively high. Families construct makeshift dwellings from mud, poles, plywood, plastic sheeting and cardboard, which offer little protection from the elements.
Food is scarce in the settlements. Many displaced families told Amnesty International that they could only provide their children with one meal each day at most.
“Since we came there is no assistance or anything; the family has not eaten anything for the past two days….We are displaced and have lost all our livelihoods,” said Zarin.
“Many Afghans have adapted to rural lifestyles that provide them with at least basic food and shelter. When they reach the cities, they are poorly prepared for dealing with a cash-based economy, higher prices, and the complexities of urban life,” said Horia Mosadiq. “They can’t go back home, but they can't establish a new proper home either.”
Cramped conditions, poor sanitation and few health clinics combine to promote the spread of disease. Most women give birth in difficult and unsanitary slum conditions without skilled birth attendants, increasing the risk of maternal and infant death in a country already ranked among the world’s worst.
Children in slum communities have little access to education. They may be refused school attendance if they cannot produce a national identification card, a document which the authorities say can only be obtained in their home province. Some are turned away from school simply for wearing dirty clothes.
“I don’t know which problem I should talk about – school, unemployment, not having proper housing, food, health – when my children are getting sick and I have to pay for the doctor…. It's everything,” said Fatima, a woman in her 20s living in Kabul’s Chaman-e-Babrak slum area.
“The increasing population of displaced people in urban slums threatens to undo the fragile advances in health care and education that we’ve seen in Afghanistan in the last decade,” said Horia Mosadiq.
Displaced families in makeshift camps are under constant threat of forced eviction. In some cases, families have had to scramble to move belongings before bulldozers level their shelters.
“These people are especially vulnerable – they must seek shelter, provide for themselves and their families while coping with the trauma caused by the conflict they have fled,” said Horia Mosadiq.
Under international law, Afghanistan is required to provide for displaced persons’ immediate needs and help them to find long term solutions. To fulfil this role, Afghanistan relies on international assistance and the efforts of humanitarian organisations.
“Even with its limited resources, the Afghan government can aid its displaced citizens,” said Horia Mosadiq. “Authorities must use the international aid available and remove conditions placed on humanitarian assistance, and provide for displaced families’ immediate needs.
“International donors which fund over 90 per cent of Afghanistan’s total public expenditure should ensure that their humanitarian assistance addresses the needs of internally displaced people.
“Afghanistan should also protect the displaced against forced eviction, guarantee displaced children access to primary education, and allow identity cards to be issued throughout the country so that they can exercise their legal rights.”
14 February 2012 -- Learning from the successes and stumbles of the world's great rising economies.
January 2012 -- The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) have set the benchmark for global development policy since 2000. In 2015 the current set of MDG targets will expire, and although much progress will have been made, many targets will not have been met. What is the most effective way to take the MDG agenda forward after 2015?
This is a live political debate. Political capital is already being invested in a post-2015 agreement, and it is becoming an increasingly active agenda for non-governmental organisations. There are a range of options being proposed. These vary in ambition from keeping the current targets and extending the deadline, to keeping the current structure with some tweaking of existing targets and adding some new ones, or to the most ambitious aim of replacing the MDGs with a wholly new structure.
Whatever the practicalities of a post-2015 agreement, it is essential that it learns the right lessons from the past and has the right analysis of the future, if it is to be both politically acceptable and useful in reducing poverty. This Background Note maps out current thinking on the impact of the MDGs and options for the future.
16 February 2012 -- In a quickly changing world, today’s Latin America is pursuing development with increasing self-confidence and stronger capacities. At the same time, expectations are growing that a more prosperous Latin America also contributes to international development, for example through South-South cooperation. A key question is how the region will get involved in the global governance of development, and in particular in the new Global Partnership that emerged from the recent High Level Forum in Busan, Korea.
With this background, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of El Salvador invited the Directors-General for international cooperation of Latin American countries, in order to assess the lessons learned in Busan and agree on a series of next steps. They were joined by a small group of representatives from civil society and academia. A total of twelve countries participated in this inter-governmental seminarheld in San Salvador on 13 and 14 February.
The Salvadorans convened the meeting on a fairly short notice, so this broad participation also reflects the strong interest of many governments to position themselves within the global agenda, that is, beyond the existing regional coordinates. It also shows that the region features a new generation of decision makers, who are more pragmatic and highly motivated to play a strong role in the deep global changes. Post-Busan wise, this space was the first regional initiative led by developing countries, while in Africa and Asia-Pacific talks between the governments are still incipient and to a good degree dependent on support from multilateral organizations, including UNDP and the regional development banks.
Framed by reflections on the global political context, such as the G20 and the Rio +20 conference, participants discussed potential contributions from Latin America to the construction of the new Global Partnership agreed in Busan (click here for recommendations, Spanish only). Happening in parallel to the first meeting of the Post-Busan Interim Group (PBIG) in Paris, the debate in San Salvador generated several inputs which are strategically important to regional and global dynamics:
1. The new Partnership should be built at the regional level. - For now, the PBIG follows its mandate of "country focused, global light". However, for developing countries, the debate and decision making on the new global partnership will take time, especially if the existing achievements are to be preserved and the most relevant national actors to be involved. Several countries have already highlighted that it is their sovereign decision to determine the details of the 'monitoring frameworks' that are encouraged by the Busan agreement.
From the Latin American perspective, it seems obvious that a proactive (and more permanent) regional coordination around the new partnership would not only improve the flow of information, but also facilitate peer learning and generate mutual political support. It is likely that this is best done through informal mechanisms, while high-level political mandates can be further defined in the medium term (for example, through the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Iberoamerican Summits, etc.).
2. The Latin voice will be better heard if it comes in all pitches. - It is essential to recognize the specific situations of different groups of Latin American countries. Current post-Busan action is concentrated in the SICA+ group, which currently brings together all members of the Central American Integration System, plus the Dominican Republic and Bolivia, all countries where Official Development Assistance has a significant impact in national development policies.
Complementing the clear voice of SICA+ in the PBIG and other spaces, there is a second tier of more developed countries which play a 'dual role': As recipients and providers. These players are affected by specific systematic shifts in the international setting, such as the European Commission's decision to withdraw financial support from middle-income countries. In this regard, participants agreed to work on a joint response from all Latin American countries, including the SICA +, to the European Union’s plans. Here, a key will be to coordinate the SICA+ core with the second tier - which includes countries such as Chile, Colombia and Mexico - to ensure the greatest possible synergies and mutual support.
3. National leadership requires a shared commitment. - Some Latin American countries have already taken the lead on the new Global Partnership. Honduras was a very proactive sherpa in the demanding Busan negotiations, and continues as a PBIG member. El Salvador has a strong interest this agenda, which is reflected in the organization of this event and its close communication with Honduras, by which the two neighboring countries already conform a "Central American axis". Moreover, Colombia is in charge of the Building Block on South-South and Triangular Cooperation, certainly a very dynamic pillar of the new Global Partnership.
In all these cases, other countries need to engage in a more coordinated way, in order to generate strong political support and provide substantial contributions to technical agendas. Ideally, this would lead to a growing division of labor between Latin American countries willing to participate in the post-Busan agenda. This shared commitment is indeed a precondition for a strong impact of the region on the global agenda. It is now time to harvest the generous "regional capital" generated by individual national efforts and the decisive leadership of directors and their teams in different governments.
4. It is time to take action. - According to the plans of the PBIG, new indicators to measure the quality of international cooperation shall be defined by June 2012. These indicators will be the marrow of the new Global Partnership for at least three, possibly eight years (until 2020). With some countries being immediately affected by these decisions, it is urgent to get on board of this exercise of designing the indicators. The process is open to countries’ participation, but it simply lacks means to give voice to those still remaining mute. A key incentive to engage will be the need to respect current national processes, where existing government systems for monitoring and evaluation should be adapted and strengthened, rather than being rebuilt completely.
A first batch of indicators is expected to be finalized by 27 February, a certainly somewhat unrealistic deadline. However, for Latin American countries it will be critical to raise their flags, as a developing region and as the SICA+ group in particular, while in parallel agreeing on the procedures to ensure that the new global indicators reflect and respond to national priorities. Importantly, SICA+ also continues to work on a series of regional indicators, which are more closely adapted to the characteristics and needs of its members.
Given this broad range of commitment, capacities and leaderships, Latin America can draw on an ample margin to take action and influence the new Global Partnership, so that it starts to make sense not only to the region, but provides strong incentives for the developing world as a whole. The next Latin American stopovers have already been scheduled and will take place in another Directors-General's meeting in Uruguay on 11-13 April and an inter-regional retreat with champions from Africa and Asia-Pacific to be held in Honduras on 5 and 6 May.
January 2012 -- Ever since Sri Lanka ended a two-and-a-half-decade civil war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) in 2009, the government has faced questions about alleged violations of human rights and the killing of thousands of civilians during the war. Despite the Sri Lankan government’s initial resistance to exploring these issues, it took a notable stride forward last November when it released the findings and recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC).
In May 2010, Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa created the LLRC to begin an inquiry into events that occurred during the civil war. The mandate of the LLRC was to investigate and report on what took place specifically between February 21, 2002 (establishment of the Ceasefire Agreement) and May 19, 2009 (end of the civil war).
The LLRC listened to over 1,000 witness testimonies over a period of a year and a half, finally releasing their report in November 2011. Criticism of the report was not in short supply. The Tamil National Alliance has called the report an illegitimate document, while others said it was a good launching pad for future progress.
Nonetheless, many view the exclusion of any reference to war crimes as suspicious. The report also doesn’t provide details on specific cases of civilian fatalities and instead alludes to “certain incidents,” thus entirely excluding cases where civilians were allegedly killed by the Sri Lankan security forces.
The LLRC cited “non-availability of evidence” throughout much of the report to support omission of human rights violations investigations. The LLRC report directly blames the LTTE for the targeting and killing of civilians while describing civilian casualties caused by the security forces as “caught in the crossfire.” Though the report largely absolves the security forces, it does suggest that deeper investigation be launched into cases where it is unclear who was responsible for civilian deaths in no-fire zones.
The report offers specific recommendations on the treatment of detainees and further investigations into civilian fatalities and missing persons. It proposes an “Independent Advisory Committee” to investigate the treatment of those who were arrested and detained for long periods of time under the Prevention of Terrorism Act.
It also recommends an inquiry into alleged “deliberate attacks on civilians” and more thorough investigations into missing persons and property damage. Specifically, the report suggests that a survey be distributed to the families who suffered loss of property or family members in order to identify the manner of death and injury. It suggests that aid, both legal and financial, be made available to the affected families.
Chapter 8 of the report focuses on reconciliation and ways to promote national unity and maintain a diverse, yet peaceful, citizenry. Specific recommendations include reaching out to minority groups, addressing the grievances of the Tamil people, focusing on returning displaced Muslims to their homes, and rebuilding mosques, houses, and schools. Better resource allocation and development within villages is suggested to prevent tensions between neighboring ethnic groups. Recommendations also include creating an independent police commission that is separated from the state protection body and providing provincial police with better legal tools and expertise.
The LLRC report concedes that the investigation into human rights violations is a vital component to national reconciliation. With the release of the LLRC and its recommendations for further dealing with alleged human rights violations, there is an opportunity to better unite the country and address international criticisms on Sri Lanka’s human rights record.
The LLRC report is a good first step, but it needs to be followed up with action. The U.S. should actively encourage Sri Lanka to follow up on the recommendations made in the LLRC document in order to jumpstart the process of national reconciliation. The U.S. could even offer the Sri Lankan government tools to help carry out its recommendations.
It should be made known to the Sri Lankans that with continued steps toward democracy, and, over time, growing national stability, they will benefit from new sources of trade, foreign investment, aid, and extended hands of friendship from the West.
20 February 2012 -- Asia and the Pacific has the potential to be a world leader in low carbon growth, but only if it adopts a new development strategy, says a joint study released today by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and UN agencies. “The global market for green goods and services is vast and growing and with the right policies and investments, Asia and the Pacific could lead the world towards a more sustainable future,” said Nessim Ahmad, ADB’s Director for Environment and Safeguards.
The report, Green Growth, Resources and Resilience - Environmental Sustainability in Asia and the Pacific, was prepared by ADB, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, and the United Nations Environment Programme. It provides timely support to policymakers as they prepare for the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio +20), which will be held in Rio de Janeiro in June. Asia and the Pacific has been the world’s largest resource user since the mid-1990s.
If current trends continue, its CO2 emissions are likely to more than triple by 2050, putting an unbearable strain on the Earth’s ecosystems. Reversing this trend will require a new development model characterised by systems innovation, efficient use of resources, and a greatly reduced reliance on hydrocarbons. The region is already leading the world in commitments to green investment, including funding for low carbon power generation and energy efficiency improvements. The report notes that about two-thirds of the $8 trillion needed for infrastructure in the region between now and 2020 will be in the form of new investment, opening up huge opportunities for businesses who can design, finance, build and manage green buildings, transport systems and other sustainable infrastructure.
The high upfront costs of providing green goods and services, such as renewable energy facilities, has hampered development on a large scale, but the report notes that with the right policies and incentives, ‘greening’ the economy can be made viable and profitable in the long-term. Policymakers need to consider measures such as ecological tax reforms that penalise polluters while rewarding those who invest in low carbon, resource-friendly activities. Creative financing arrangements that ease the initial cost burden and risks for green developers will also help stimulate investment.